What's Behind the Sign-Up Sheet

MANILA—What begins as a harmless online form is now fast becoming the new front line for recruitment into the underground revolutionary movement. Post-COVID, and with the sharp decline of their previous bases, organizations aligned with the national democratic movement have shifted toward digital sign-ups, Google Forms, and online educational discussions. 

Just recently, another Google Form circulated on social media from the national democratic youth group Anakbayan Southern Tagalog, inviting participants to an online "educational discussion" on three seminal “teoryang humubog sa dakilang pakikibaka ng uring manggagawa at ng lahat ng uring inaapi at pinagsasamantalahan sa buong daigdig.” [... theories that shaped the great struggle of the working class and of all oppressed and exploited classes throughout the world.

The invitation was standard: no intimidation, no pressure, only the mild flattery of being recognized as politically aware. For many college and senior high students, they look like mere invitations to political education. They enter their names, schools, and phone numbers without hesitation. Yet for former recruits who eventually joined underground organizations, or even armed guerrilla fronts, that simple online form is a natural 'stepping-up' of tactics toward radicalization. 

What are they teaching?

1. The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels (1848).  Published at the height of worker unrest across Europe, the Communist Manifesto argues that history is driven by class struggle between the ruling bourgeoisie and the exploited proletariat. It predicts the collapse of capitalism and calls on workers to unite and seize political and economic power. Communist movements teach this text because it provides the basic ideological frame that society is unequal by design, revolution is inevitable, and the working class has a historical mission to overthrow the ruling class. For groups like the CPP and its legal machinery, it is the entry point for radicalization, a foundational text that introduces recruits to the idea that capitalist society is inherently oppressive and therefore must be dismantled.

   
   

2. State and Revolution by Vladimir Lenin (1917). Written on the eve of the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia, Lenin argues that the state is not a neutral institution but a tool of class domination, and that genuine democracy can only emerge after the existing state apparatus is violently destroyed and replaced by a “dictatorship of the proletariat.” This work became the theoretical backbone of many armed communist movements, including the CPP-NPA. It is taught because it explicitly justifies armed struggle, rejects gradual reform, and frames violence as a legitimate and necessary means of achieving socialist transformation. ED facilitators use it to convince recruits that legal activism alone cannot bring about “true change” and that revolution requires dismantling—not reforming—the current state.

   
   

3. To Rebel Is Justified by Mao Zedong (1960s). The slogan “to rebel Is justified” emerged during Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. This period was marked by mass mobilizations, purges, and widespread political upheaval in China. Mao’s writings and speeches framed violent rebellion as a moral obligation in the face of oppression. Mao taught that revolution was a continuous process and that violence was both unavoidable and righteous. Being Maoist in ideology, the CPP-NPA uses this principle to instill the idea that taking up arms is not only acceptable but ethically necessary. It becomes the emotional bridge for recruits that where injustice exists, rebellion, and by extension, joining the armed struggle, is portrayed as the highest form of service to the people.

   
   

To be clear, there is nothing inherently wrong with invitations to discussion groups, Google Forms, or online seminars. Academic freedom allows for the study of all political theories, including Marxism.

For former rebels, however, what is worrying is the context in which these texts are being taught. When handled by an organization that has historically served as a recruitment pool for the underground movement, these texts are not treated as history or theory, but as viable, immediate life choices.

In classrooms and libraries, these books are studied academically to understand the past. But in the framework of national democratic mass organizations, they serve to justify the "protracted people's war" and to morally normalize the transition from a student with a pen (or a smartphone or laptop) to a combatant with a rifle.

Trajectory

This trajectory is echoed in the sworn statements of numerous former rebels, which outline a consistent pattern of radicalization. Initial engagement with legal youth organizations typically leads to a series of political discussions where classical Marxist texts are framed not merely as theory, but as living instructions for societal upheaval. Testimonials from full-time organizers, often referred to as “kasama,” add emotional weight to these sessions by romanticizing the armed struggle and framing service in the guerrilla fronts as a noble vocation.

According to these accounts, participants are subsequently invited to "exposure trips" or community integrations with farmers, workers, and indigenous peoples. These immersions serve as powerful catalysts. For many recruits, witnessing rural poverty firsthand becomes the deciding factor that solidifies their commitment.

Following these immersions, the recruitment process often advances to a more clandestine stage. Through a series of discreet meetings, often held outside of school premises or late at night, select students are introduced to Kabataang Makabayan (KM), an underground mass organization allied with the National Democratic Front (NDF).

Former cadres describe admission into KM as a psychological turning point. It is framed as an advancement, a sign of being trusted and chosen for a "higher" form of service. Recruits are told they are undergoing orientation for a deeper level of dedication. However, security analysts and former members note that this step effectively opens the door to recruitment into the CPP and, ultimately, NPA.

Inevitability of Armed Struggle

For some, the transition is rapid, even inevitable. Documented cases reveal that some students have gone from classroom discussions to candidate party membership in guerrilla zones within a matter of months. Upon arrival in the hinterlands, recruits are issued codenames and firearms, replacing their academic tools with the instruments of guerrilla warfare.

Testimonies consistently highlight a stark contrast between the idealistic discussions held in city cafés and the harsh reality of the field. The narrative of heroism often collides with the physical toll of hunger, exhaustion, and combat. In several documented instances, young recruits, some of whom were mobilized through the same initial recruitment channels, have been killed in armed encounters shortly after their deployment.

Digital Acceleration

The digitization of recruitment has made this process more systematic and efficient. With sign-up sheets circulating on social media platforms, organizations can gather personal data, profile potential recruits, and schedule follow-ups without requiring physical access to school grounds. Educational discussions are increasingly conducted in public spaces or online, appearing to the outside observer as standard civic engagement.

Yet, the pipeline described by former rebels remains consistent: student activism serves as a funnel for ideological immersion, followed by exposure trips, induction into underground formations, and finally, enlistment in the armed struggle.

While not every student who engages with these forms joins the armed rebellion, the pathway exists and remains active. For those who proceeded down this route, the consequences were profound. Families have reported spending months or years searching for missing children, only to find them surfaced after military engagements. 

From university campuses in Manila to the provinces, the pattern suggests that for many, the road to the insurgency did not begin with coercion, but with a digital link, a promise of social relevance, and a simple click of a "Submit" button.